In antiquity, the Great Pyramid of Giza the only wonder from the original list still standingthe statue of Zeus at Olympia, the Colossus of Rhodes a new gigantic, version of which is being built todayand others were among the occupants of the list.
Original Citation Western people have, over the past three centuries, confidently applied their own understandings and forms of organisation to the rest of the world. They have done this in the sure knowledge that these represent the most advanced, developed and sophisticated of all forms of understanding and organisation available to human beings.
To introduce those forms to non-Western people has been to start them on the road to development, short-cutting the historically long and thorny route taken by Western Europeans in achieving their advanced state of organisation and understanding.
Amongst the important influences on governments and people in Third World countries have been the reification of 'the state' and 'the people' in most discussion of Third World nations and peoples and the formulation of governmental policies based on that reification.
This reorganisation has usually been undertaken as an exercise in 'modernising' non-Western communities.
The modernisation thesis, 2 espoused in various forms and with various emphases by most development specialists over the past fifty years, has been an optimistic one.
It has assumed that, for those nations which genuinely and consistently implement the necessary social, political and economic changes, transformation into modem industrialised countries is inevitable. The state has been assumed to be a self-existent entity, separate from the communities which it controls, and able to impose necessary changes, however radical, on its populace.
Important responsibilities placed on new nation-states by these specialists have included establishing those institutions necessary Essay on role of political parties in pakistan economic development, and providing the social and political climate necessary to stimulate self-interested, competitive material accumulation, leading, it is assumed, to an inevitable 'take-off into self-sustained economic growth' cf Rostow Because most political and economic theorists and practitioners believe that 'traditional' societies are being transformed into modern societies, with traditional features destined for oblivion, Third World communities have been regarded as transient.
Problems encountered by 'traditionally orientated' individuals and communities are assumed to be, in large measure, consequences of this shift to modernity. So, rather than focusing on the social problems of such communities, one needs to step up the pace of modernisation.
Third World governments, it has been believed 3 should, therefore, in the face of the breakdown of law and order and social cohesion in traditional communities, more rigorously implement those measures which will transform them into industrialised communities, with all the advantages of such a transformation.
The dissolution of the old is a necessary precursor and concomitant of modernisation and the state should keep its eyes firmly fixed on that goal, not deviating to attend to problems which are inevitable, but transient consequences of moving toward it.
Various solutions have been proposed to combat underdevelopment. Central to these solutions is the role assigned to the state as the 'engine of development'. Until recently, it was thought that an authoritarian state could better perform 'developmentalist' tasks.
In recent years, the state has been invested with the capacity to move toward democracy, which presumably will lead to socioeconomic development.
The belief in the state is reinforced by the call to 'bring-the-state-back-in', according to which the state and its policies reflect almost autonomous institutions and the actions of those occupying these institutions.
As Max Weber claimed of Western government, relationships are transformed into objective, instrumental, depersonalised forms. Politicians are not directly responsible to and identified with the people they represent and not directly in control of the impersonalised institutional bureaucracies through which government policies are carried out.
In the Third World, these presumptions are difficult to sustain. Political activity is not separate from other forms of activity, and those with political power exercise it personally.
That is, government, both in formulating policy and in the delivery of services is personalised.
And, for people who live in communities where it is both natural and proper for leaders to be personally connected with their followers, this personalisation is unexceptional.
Government is not separate from the people, and politicians access the administrative departments of government through networks of patron-client relationships which link not only the administrative bureaucracy and politicians, but also politicians and their constituents.
Inevitably, when such personalised systems of government and leadership are judged aginst the standards assumed in places where depersonalised government is the norm, they are found to be 'riddled with corruption'. At the instigation of Western nations and agencies the United Nations Convention Against Corruption has been negotiated, coming into force in As the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime explains, Corruption undermines democratic institutions, slows economic development and contributes to governmental instability.
Corruption attacks the foundation of democratic institutions by distorting electoral processes, perverting the rule of law and creating bureaucratic quagmires whose only reason for existing is the soliciting of bribes. Economic development is stunted because foreign direct investment is discouraged and small businesses within the country often find it impossible to overcome the "start-up costs" required because of corruption.
In order to appreciate the experiences of Third World nations in the post-Second World War period, we need to remember that depersonalised government of the Western kind is unusual and requires understandings of the world which are distinctively Western.
In the last twenty years there have been a number of important changes in international and regional politics around the world.
Most obviously, the ideologically fuelled 'Cold War' has ended, with communism and socialism in disarray and capitalism firmly established in the international arena.
This has been accompanied by a victory for neo-liberal economic reformers 7 as advisers to governments and international organisations. These advisers have managed to convince governments everywhere of the need for the privatisation of government assets and activities and deregulation of financial markets and currencies, progressively moving control of national fiscal and financial matters from national governments into the international marketplace.
In addition to pressure from international agencies to privatise and liberalise the Latin American economies, think tanks and research groups flourished throughout the region in an effort to publicise neoliberal views.
This has resulted in primary production, the most important means of income generation for new nations, becoming less and less attractive to investors, since returns on primary production are usually lower and slower - and often far more uncertain-than those resulting from financial manipulations.
So, Third World nations are finding it increasingly difficult to attract and retain investment income, making their economies increasingly volatile. The volatility of international capital investment, focused on short-term gains, means that in their efforts to retain investment capital governments must offer a range of financial inducements, competing with each other to minimise capital flight.
Thus, over time, the cost of investment capital increases for those countries least able to afford such costs. Far from there being true financial deregulation, governments find themselves having constantly to interfere, to prop up their currencies and induce capital to stay.
The Mexican crisis was caused by the volatility of short term capital flows, produced by the unfulfilled market expectations of investors.May 12, · The role of political parties in Pakistan has not been very positive. Though in other democratic countries, political parties act in the same manners as those in Pakistan but in countries like America and Britain they behave somewhat different.
To Pakistan political panics have been nuisance and have disappointed the public. This essay delves deeply into the origins of the Vietnam War, critiques U.S.
justifications for intervention, examines the brutal conduct of the war, and discusses the .
Political parties in Pakistan are, in essence, authoritarian in nature. Moreover, in Pakistan, almost every political party has a different ideological background. Although multi-party system suits Pakistan owing to its multi-ethnic structure, yet it may add fuel to the already burning fire of .
- The Role of the Media in Influencing Political Attitudes in a Democracy Introduction The public gets political information on their preferred candidates or parties from different people and through the media.
Extracts from this document Introduction. WHAT IS THE ROLE OF MINOR PARTIES WITHIN THE AMERICAN POLITICAL SYSTEM The American political system has always had minor political parties. INTRODUCTION. India - with a population of a billion and a quarter and an electorate of million () - is the world's largest democracy and, for all its faults and flaws, this democratic system stands in marked contrast to the democratic failures of Pakistan and .